Soludo and Peter Obi: The Battle for Agulu and the Symbolism of 2027
Since Peter Obi left the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) in 2014, the party has never been able to reclaim Agulu — his hometown in Anaocha Local Government Area of Anambra State. For more than a decade, the four wards that make up Agulu have remained firmly loyal to Obi’s political alignment, shifting loyalties from APGA to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and then to the Labour Party (LP), depending on his movement. In every election cycle, whether gubernatorial or presidential, Agulu has voted as a block in Obi’s direction. For APGA, this represents both a symbolic and strategic wound — a territory lost to its most iconic former leader.
Governor Chukwuma Charles Soludo understands the psychological and political weight of this loss. For him, regaining Agulu in the upcoming November 8, 2025 governorship election is more than just about numbers — it is a political statement. It is about rewriting a narrative that has defined Anambra’s modern political history: that Peter Obi’s political shadow still looms over the state. Soludo, an economist and former Central Bank Governor, is not just fighting for votes; he is fighting for legitimacy, for dominance, and for respect in a state where Obi’s moral and political influence remains potent.
Agulu’s political relevance lies beyond its modest size. It is Peter Obi’s ancestral home, a political citadel that has produced one of Nigeria’s most disciplined and calculating politicians. The town has become a spiritual stronghold for the “Obidient” movement, the national grassroots revolution that propelled Obi’s 2023 presidential run. For APGA, Agulu has long been seen as the “forbidden territory” — a place where campaign convoys tread carefully and where party agents whisper rather than boast.
Soludo’s mission, therefore, is not just electoral — it is symbolic. Winning Agulu would mean shaking the foundation of Obi’s influence in Anambra politics and sending a strong message to the national opposition alliance that is quietly coalescing around Obi ahead of 2027. It would signal that Soludo, despite being in APGA — a regional party — can outmaneuver the former governor on his home turf.
The Soludo–Obi relationship has been marked by mutual respect, intellectual rivalry, and strategic divergence. Both are technocrats with global exposure. Both entered politics as reformers promising good governance. But their paths diverged sharply after Obi’s exit from APGA. While Obi moved toward national relevance, Soludo doubled down on state-building and regional consolidation.
When Soludo became governor in 2022, many expected a quiet coexistence. But the subtle rivalry soon turned into open political competition. Soludo’s early criticisms of the Labour Party and Obi’s presidential bid in 2023 — where he described Obi’s movement as lacking “political structure” — widened the gulf between them. The statement provoked a backlash from Obi’s supporters, branding Soludo as a “betrayer” who had forgotten his political roots. Since then, every political move in Anambra has been viewed through the lens of this unspoken feud.
For the November 2025 governorship election, Soludo’s political machinery has identified Anaocha LGA — and specifically Agulu — as the critical battleground. It is not the largest LGA in Anambra, but it is the most politically symbolic. Victory there would give Soludo a headline moment: “Soludo defeats Obi in his hometown.” That headline alone could change the national political perception of both men.
Sources within APGA’s campaign council say Soludo has “invested heavily” in Anaocha, not just in infrastructure, but in relationships, contracts, and goodwill. Roads are being constructed, rural schools are receiving facelifts, and community leaders are being engaged in dialogue. The governor’s strategy is quiet but deliberate — to use development as a political tool. In the Nigerian political context, visible development often translates to electoral persuasion.
One of Soludo’s most notable strategic moves involves a powerful businessman from Agulu who, until recently, was openly sympathetic to Peter Obi. Soludo reportedly awarded him a lucrative road construction contract in Omagba, Onitsha — a major urban project that required trust and financial capability. The man delivered the contract successfully and earned Soludo’s confidence. Coincidentally, his son is a known Labour Party stalwart in Agulu, a grassroots mobilizer who has worked closely with the Obi political family for years.
Soludo’s gesture, whether calculated or coincidental, blurred political lines in Agulu. It sent a message to the local elite: Soludo rewards competence and loyalty. It also placed Obi’s allies in a moral dilemma — should they continue opposing a governor who is visibly investing in their own community? Or should they pragmatically align with the government for developmental benefits?
Meanwhile, Peter Obi, aware of the psychological warfare unfolding, has reportedly intensified his grassroots engagement in Anaocha. Sources close to community leaders allege that Obi has been lobbying local stakeholders to deliver Agulu’s four wards not to Labour Party this time, but to the African Democratic Congress (ADC) — a party positioning itself as a possible coalition platform for opposition realignment ahead of 2027. Obi, according to these accounts, is thinking beyond Anambra; he is building a long-term strategic alliance that could challenge the national political order.
For Obi, the coming Anambra election offers a chance to demonstrate that his influence at the grassroots remains unshaken, despite not holding public office. Losing Agulu to APGA would not only wound his pride but also weaken his national credibility as a mobilizer. The optics would be damaging — Soludo, an APGA governor, conquering Obi’s hometown while the latter is still seen as the face of the opposition.
The rumour that Obi may be aligning with ADC is generating quiet ripples within the progressive opposition. Some stakeholders argue that such a move could fragment the anti-APC base rather than strengthen it. Others see it as strategic — a way to build an alternative platform less burdened by the controversies surrounding Labour Party’s internal leadership crisis. In Anaocha, this debate is playing out among local political leaders who are torn between loyalty to Obi and pragmatic cooperation with Soludo’s government.
A senior local politician in Agulu, who requested anonymity, described the situation vividly: “We all respect Peter Obi, but governance continues. Soludo is building roads, giving contracts, empowering youths. Politics is not only about sentiments; it’s also about what people can see. We love Obi, but Soludo is governor.”
This sentiment captures the complexity of grassroots politics in Anambra — loyalty and pragmatism often overlap. While Obi commands emotional devotion, Soludo controls the levers of governance, and by extension, influence over local development.
Beyond Agulu, Soludo’s administration has been on an aggressive mission to consolidate power across the 21 local government areas. His goal is clear: to secure a second term with a strong showing across all political zones, thereby positioning APGA as a credible regional power base capable of negotiating at the national level. If he can weaken Obi’s grip in Anaocha, it could alter the perception of APGA as a “diminishing regional party” and rebrand it as a disciplined, development-driven movement.
Soludo’s economic background informs his political playbook. He sees politics as an investment — calculated risks, strategic alliances, and long-term payoffs. His administration has rolled out various empowerment programs targeting youth cooperatives, artisans, and women groups — the same grassroots base that Obi mobilized during his 2023 campaign. By winning their loyalty through tangible support, Soludo hopes to neutralize the emotional appeal of Obi’s rhetoric.
Every political observer in Anambra knows that the 2025 governorship election is not an isolated event; it is a rehearsal for 2027. Soludo’s performance will influence his future relevance beyond Anambra, while Obi’s ability to retain dominance in his hometown will determine how much leverage he retains in the national opposition coalition.
For Tinubu’s camp in Lagos and Abuja, Soludo’s local battle with Obi is being watched closely. A victory for Soludo in Agulu would be interpreted as a symbolic defeat for Obi, and by extension, a weakening of the opposition movement that has challenged Tinubu’s presidency since 2023. Soludo, a self-confident academic and political realist, understands the optics of such a moment. If he can deliver Agulu, he will have delivered a message — not just to Obi, but to the Jagaban himself: that Anambra remains open to multiple power centers.
Agulu, like many Igbo communities, operates through a delicate mix of kinship loyalty, church influence, and elite consensus. Political allegiance here is shaped by who can deliver visible development and respect traditional authority. Soludo’s approach has been to engage traditional rulers, religious leaders, and youth organizations simultaneously, creating multiple entry points into the community’s social fabric. By contrast, Obi’s strength lies in moral credibility — the idea that he represents discipline, accountability, and integrity.
The coming clash between both men’s models of leadership — technocratic governance versus moral authority — will play out in Agulu’s town halls, churches, and village meetings in the months leading up to November 8. Already, community narratives are shifting. While some say “Soludo is working,” others insist “Obi is our own.” The tension is subtle but palpable.
Agulu’s young voters, many of whom participated in the “Obidient” movement of 2023, remain a volatile force. They are politically aware, vocal on social media, and increasingly skeptical of traditional politics. However, Soludo’s youth empowerment programs and scholarship schemes have begun to win over segments of this demographic. The battle for their hearts and votes will likely be determined by who offers tangible hope — moral or material.
Observers note that Soludo’s quiet engagement with student groups in Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, and his outreach to tech hubs across the state are part of a broader strategy to modernize APGA’s image and capture the youth narrative that Obi once monopolized. For Obi, maintaining credibility among this demographic is crucial. His political future depends on it.
Both Soludo and Obi are tacticians who prefer subtle moves to public confrontations. While their supporters often clash on social media, the two men rarely engage in open hostilities. Instead, they deploy influence — through proxies, contracts, and community patronage. Soludo’s calculated awarding of contracts to neutral or Obi-sympathetic figures is a form of soft diplomacy. Obi’s counter-mobilization through ADC and civil society networks is a form of intellectual resistance.
This silent duel reflects the sophistication of Anambra politics — where loyalty is negotiated, not declared; and where every handshake carries an undercurrent of calculation.
In Anambra, religion remains a subtle political force. Both Soludo and Obi are Catholics, and both understand the Church’s role as a moral arbiter. The clergy in Agulu and Anaocha are reportedly divided — some praising Soludo’s developmental efforts, others quietly reaffirming Obi’s legacy of prudence and accountability. The Church’s eventual stance could influence how the community votes, as priests often shape local opinions through sermons and parish meetings.
If Soludo successfully wins Agulu, it would complicate the opposition calculus for 2027. It would show that Peter Obi’s grassroots machinery can be penetrated and that his influence has geographical limits. For the ruling APC, such a development would provide leverage in portraying the opposition as fragmented. For Soludo and APGA, it would signal a rebirth — a transition from regional nostalgia to strategic relevance.
Conversely, if Obi successfully defends Agulu and ensures APGA’s continued defeat in the four wards, it would reaffirm his position as the most influential opposition leader in the South-East. It would also strengthen his claim to national leadership in any future opposition coalition, proving that even without state power, he retains the people’s trust.
The contest for Agulu is no ordinary local election; it is a battle for narrative supremacy between two of the most intellectually gifted politicians of their generation. Soludo’s drive to reclaim Agulu is about asserting the authority of governance over sentiment. Obi’s determination to defend it is about preserving the sanctity of moral leadership over transactional politics.
In the coming months, Agulu will transform into the epicenter of Anambra’s political consciousness — a place where roads, contracts, sermons, and whispered loyalties converge. What happens in this small town will echo across Nigeria’s political landscape, from Awka to Abuja, from the Catholic cathedrals of Anambra to the corridors of Aso Rock.
Whichever way the tide turns, one truth will endure: the political destiny of Anambra — and perhaps the face of Nigeria’s opposition in 2027 — may well be decided in the quiet streets of Agulu, where two professors of politics and prudence continue their silent but profound duel for influence, legacy, and power.